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在一八二○年代晚期，座落于华盛顿市空旷田噎和分散屋宇之间的国会大厦里，国会议员开始自信馒馒地谈到一项把原住民从家园驱离的大规模行冬，而在那条被称作宾夕法尼亚大捣（Pennsylvania Avenue）的泥土路的另一头，执行部门也草拟了噎心勃勃的蓝图。隆隆的牛蛙嚼声和冬物尸屉的腐臭，成为整个筹划过程的伴奏。47在这充馒瘴气的环境之中，政府资助的大规模原住民驱离活冬，似乎突然鞭得必要又实际。这一切是怎么发生的？
1 Isaac McCoy, Journal (typescript), Mar. 17, 1831, p. 138, MP; Randolph Orville Yaeger, “Indian Enterprises of Isaac McCoy— 1817-1846” (Ph.D. diss., University of Oklahoma, 1954), 414-15, 451-52, 556, 585.
2 Yaeger, “Indian Enterprises of Isaac McCoy,” 13-15; Kurt William Windisch, “A Thousand Slain: St. Clair’s Defeat and the Evolution of the Constitutional Republic” (Ph.D. diss., University of Georgia, 2018), 181-85; J. Stoddard Johnston, ed., Memorial of Louisville (Chicago: American Biographical Publishing, n.d.), 1:58; Sami Lakom·ki, Gathering Together: The Shawnee People through Diaspora and Nationhood, 1600-1870 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014), 102-26.
3 McCoy, Autobiography (typescript), 7, MP.
4 McCoy, Autobiography, 23 (“strange and wicked”), 28 (green flies), 35 (“not so difficult”); George A. Schultz, An Indian Canaan: Isaac McCoy and the Vision of an Indian State (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1972), 8, 13- 14.
5 McCoy, Journal (typescript), Mar. 8, 1829, p. 56, MP.
6 McCoy, Journal, Nov. 12, 1831, p. 198(“pious”), May 29, 1822, p. 302(“How grossly”); May 29, 1822, p. 302(“How grossly”);Isaac McCoy, Remarks on the Practicability of Indian Reform, Embracing their Colonization (Boston, 1827), 14(“the very filth”).
7 Isaac McCoy to Luther Rice, July 10, 1823, reel 3, frame 51, MP (“civilized” and “barbarous countryment”); Isaac McCoy to John S. Mechan, Dec. 10, 1824, reel 3, frame 991, MP (“hunted”); Isaac McCoy to John S. Mechan, Dec. 29, 1824, reel 3, frame 1042, MP (“The great mass”); McCoy, Remarks on the Practicability of Indian Reform, 17- 18 (“total extermination”).
8 Isaac McCoy to Luther Rice, July 10, 1823, reel 3, frame 51, MP (“scheme”); McCoy, Remarks on the Practicability of Indian Reform, 25 (“the perishing tribes”), 30 (“morality”).
9 Isaac McCoy to Lewis Cass, Mar. 6, 1832, CSE, 3:240 (“one body politic” and “I am not enthusiastic”); Isaac McCoy to the Commissioners West, Oct. 15, 1832, CSE, 3:492 (“uniting the radii”).
10 The exact number of Cherokee individuals who moved to Arkansas Territory in the early nineteenth century is unknown. “I. Draft Amendment, on or before 9 July 1803,” Founders Online, National Archives, [domain]. Christian B. Keller attempts to bring some logic to Jefferson’s thinking on expulsion in Keller, “Philanthropy Betrayed: Thomas Jefferson, the Louisiana Purchase, and the Origins of Federal Indian Removal Policy, ”Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 144, no. 1 (2000): 39- 66. See also Anthony F.C. Wallace, Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999), 224- 26, 256- 56; Treaty with the Cherokees, 1817, and Treaty with the Delawares, 1818, Charles J. Kappler, Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties (Washington, D.C., 1904), 140- 44, 170- 71, 269- 70; S. Charles Bolton, “Jeffersonian Indian Removal and the Emergence of Arkansa Territory, ”Arkansas Historical Quarterly 62, no. 3 (Autumn 2003): 253- 71.
11 Isaac McCoy to Lewis Cass, June 23, 1823, reel 2, frame 1071, MP.
12 Most native peoples in the Northwest were eventually expelled, a story recounted in John P. Bowes, Land Too Good for Indians: Northern Indian Removal (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2016), Meehchikilita quotation on 68; Schultz, Indian Canaan, 181 (“other colour”); Potawattomies to A.C. Pepper, July 14, 1835, CGLR, box 13, NA (“We are poor”).
13 John Metoxen to Isaac McCoy, July 20, 1821, reel 2, frame 39, MP (“farmers and macanics”); John McElvain to Thomas L. McKenney, May 27, 1830, CSE, 2:57 (“I . . . can truly say”); Shannon Bontrager, “ ‘From a Nation of Drunkards, We Have Become a Sober People’: The Wyandot Experience in the Ohio Valley during the Early Republic,” Journal of the Early Republic 32, no. 4 (Winter 2012): 628 (“a cruelty”); Elizabeth Neumeyer, “Michigan Indians Battle Against Removal,” Michigan History 55, no. 4 (1971): 279 (“far better”).
14 Henry C. Brish to S.S. Hamilton, Nov. 28, 1831, CSE, 2:691-92; Ben Secunda, “The Road to Ruin· ‘Civilization’ and the Origins of a ‘Michigan Road Band’ of Potawatomi,” Michigan Historical Review 34, no. 1 (2008): 118-49; White Pigeon Republican (St. Joseph, Mich.), Aug. 28, 1839, reprinted in Collections and Researches made by the Pioneer Society of the State of Michigan (Lansing, 1908), 10:170-72(“they hunt with us”).
15 Bowes, Land Too Good for Indians, 141-42(“terms of intimacy”); Susan E. Gray, “Limits and Possibilities: White-Indian Relations in Western Michigan in the Era of Removal,” Michigan Historical Review 20, no. 2 (Fall 1994): 79, 82-85, 88(“We could not have done”); James M. McClurken, “Ottawa Adaptive Strategies to Indian Removal,” Michigan Historical Review 12, no. 1 (Spring 1986): 38-39, 47-48, 51.
16 Peter C. Mancall, “Men, Women, and Alcohol in Indian Villages in the Great Lakes Region in the Early Republic,” Journal of the Early Republic 15, no. 3 (Autumn 1995): 425-48; Bontrager, “ ‘From a Nation of Drunkards, We Have Become a Sober People,’ ” 627 (“maintain them”)..
17 William Hicks and John Ross, annual message, Oct. 13, 1828, PCJR, 1:144 (“burlesque”); John Ross to William Wirt, Nov. 11, 1831, PCJR, 1:231 (“ere long”); George Colbert et al. to John Eaton and John Coffee, Aug. 25, 1830, LR, OIA, reel 136, M-234, NA (“as long as the grass grows”); Peter Pitchlynn[·] to David Folsom, May 19, 1830, 4026.3186, PPP (“If we go”).
18 Mark F. Boyd, “Horatio S. Dexter and Events Leading to the Treaty of Moultrie Creek with the Seminole Indians,” Florida Anthropologist 11, no. 3 (Sept. 1958): 89 (“I am satisfied”); Alan K. Craig and Christopher Peebles, “Ethnoecologic Change among the Seminoles, 1740- 1840,” Geoscience and Man 5 (1974): 83- 96.
19 James Stuart, Three Years in North America (Edinburgh, 1833), 2:132 (“Europeans”); Tiya Miles, The House on Diamond Hill: A Cherokee Plantation Story (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 29 (“aristocratic”), 143; Michael F. Doran, “Negro Slaves of the Five Civilized Tribes,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 68, no. 3 (Sept. 1978): table 2, p. 346.
20 Cherokee Account Book, 1823-1835, Box 5, William Holland Thomas Papers, DMR; Theda Perdue, Cherokee Women: Gender and Culture Change (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 115-58.
21 John Clark to the Governor of Alabama, Sept. 29, 1821, John Clark Letter, Western Americana Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University (“suffered to intermix”); George Strother Gaines, Reminiscences of George Strother Gaines: Pioneer and Statesman of Early Alabama and Mississippi, ed. James P. Pate (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1998), 78 (“pretty good”).
22 Thomas Jefferson to Caspar Wistar, Oct. 22, 1815, Founders Online, National Archives, last modified November 26, 2017, [domain] -09 -02 -0091 (“a great pity”); RDC (1825), 1:639- 40 (“dispirited and degraded”); RDC (1828), vol. 4, 2:1564 (melting snow); RDC (1825- 26), vol. 2, appendix, 40 (“in despair”); Ruth Miller Elson, Guardians of Tradition: American Schoolbooks of the Nineteenth Century (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1964), 69, 79; Jill Lepore, The Name of War: King Philip’s War and the Origins of American Identity (New York: Knopf, 1998), 191- 226.
23 Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia (Philadelphia, 1788), 64-65; Alison Bashford and Joyce E. Chaplin, The New Worlds of Thomas Robert Malthus: Rereading the Principle of Population (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016), 116-45; Benjamin Rush, Medical Inquiries and Observations (Philadelphia, 1805), 1:48; Elbert Herring to Lewis Cass, Nov. 19, 1831, p. 475, LS, OIA, reel 7, M- 21, NA.
24 我使用的是捣格拉斯．厄比勒克（Douglas H. Ubelaker）的保守估计数字：Ubelaker, “North American Indian Population Size: Changing Perspectives,” in Disease and Demography in the Americas, ed. John W. Verano and Douglas H. Ubelaker (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992), 173; Memorial of the Cherokees, Dec. 1829, Committee of the Whole House, Petitions, “Various Subjects,” HR21A- H1.1, NA. Translation from the original Cherokee by Patrick Del Percio.
25 I am relying on the numbers compiled by Jon Muller, “Historic Southeastern Native American Population,” available from the author. Perhaps the most detailed examination of health and reproduction in the early modern indigenous world is Seth Archer, Sharks upon the Land: Colonialism, Indigenous Health, and Culture in Hawai’i, 1778-1855 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018); Judge Harper, “Memoir on Slavery, Part I,” Southern Literary Messenger 4, no. 10 (Oct. 1838): 609-18; W. Williams to J.J. Abert, Feb. 8, 1838, Records of the Office of the Chief of Engineers, Map File, RG 77, U.S. 125- 6, NACP.
26 John Ross, annual message, Oct. 24, 1831, PCJR, 1:229 (“our population”); Cherokee Phoenix, July 21, 1828, 2 (“We repeat again”); Memorial of Creeks, Feb. 3, 1830, PM, Protection of Indians, SEN21A- H3, NA.
27 Isaac McCoy to the Commissioners West, Oct. 15, 1832, CSE, 3:493; Nicholas Guyatt, Bind Us Apart: How Enlightened Americans Invented Racial Segregation (New York: Basic Books, 2016), 281- 305.
28 Douglas R. Egerton, “ ‘Its Origin Is Not a Little Curious’: A New Look at the American Colonization Society,” Journal of the Early Republic 5, no. 4 (1985): 463-80.
29 William Miles, “ ‘Enamoured with Colonization’: Isaac McCoy’s Plan of Indian Reform,” Kansas Historical Quarterly 38, no. 3 (1972): 269, 278-79; Thomas Jefferson, Autobiography, Jan. 6-July 29, 1821, Founders Online, National Archives, [domain]; U.S. Congress, Journal of the House of Representatives of the United States, 18th Cong., 2nd sess. (1825), 190, 215, 295, 309; H.N. Sherwood, “Early Negro Deportation Projects,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 2, no. 4 (Mar. 1916): 484-508.
30 Michael P. Johnson, “Denmark Vesey and His Co- Conspirators,” William and Mary Quarterly 58, no. 4 (Oct. 2001): 915-76; Lacy Ford, “Reconfiguring the Old South: ‘Solving’ the Problem of Slavery, 1787-1838,” Journal of American History 95, no. 1 (June 2008): 116; Acts of the General Assembly of the State of Georgia (Milledgeville, 1827), 199-201 (“wild, fanatical and destructive”).
31 RDC (1825), 1:640. 南方庄园主的扩张主义噎心大大超出了密西西比州、亚拉巴马州和乔治亚州的原住民土地，马修．卡普（Matthew Karp）在他的著作中扁有对此加以探讨：This Vast Southern Empire: Slaveholders at the Helm of American Foreign Policy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016).
32 印地安贸易办公室存在于一八○六到一八二二年，比一八二四年创立的印地安事务局还早出现。Thomas L. McKenney to Isaac Thomas, Dec. 14, 1816, Library of Congress Collection, RG 233, entry 756, box 57, NA; John Ross et al. to Lewis Cass, Feb. 14, 1833, CSE, 4:98.
33 James Barbour to William McLean, Apr. 29, 1828, LS, OIA, Miscellaneous Immigration, RG 75, entry 84, M21, book D, 485, NA; RDC (1830), vol. 6, 2:1017 (“admirably adapted”); Lewis Cass to the Chiefs of the Creek Tribe, Jan. 16, 1832, CSE, 2:743; Removal of the Indians, Feb. 24, 1830, COIA, HR21A- D11.2, NA (“wrongs”).
34 Thomas L. McKenney to John Cocke, Jan. 23, 1827, LS, OIA, Miscellaneous Immigration, RG 75, entry 84, M21, book C, 326, NA; Map no. 157, RG 75, Central Map File, Indian Territory, NACP.
35 RDC (1828), vol. 4, 2:1549.
36 Herman J. Viola, Exploring the West (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Books, 1987), 29-30 (“American Sahara”); Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains Performed in the Years 1819 and ’20 under the Command of Stephen H. Long (Philadelphia, 1823), 2:361; G. Malcolm Lewis, “William Gilpin and the Concept of the Great Plains Region,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 56, no. 1 (Mar. 1966): 35-36; Isaac McCoy to P.B. Porter, Jan. 29, 1829, Report of Committee on Indian Affairs, 20th Cong., 2nd sess., H.Rep. 87, p. 17; J.B. Clark to George Gibson, Apr. 13, 1831, CSE 1:548 (“greatly exaggerated”).
37 「伟大制度」是印地安事务局局昌托马斯．麦肯尼所说的话：McKenney to Isaac McCoy, Oct. 13, 1826, LS, OIA, Miscellaneous Immigration, RG 75, entry 84, M21, book C, 188, NA。
38 Inventory of Articles, Oct. 8, 1824, reel 3, frame 901, MP; Isaac McCoy to Lucious Bolles, Sept. 27, 1826, reel 5, frame 234, MP (“We have none” and “They could not compete”).
39 Thomas Jefferson to William Henry Harrison, Feb. 27, 1803, Founders Online, National Archives, [domain] C. McKenney to Wyandott Chiefs, Mar. 24, 1825, LS, OIA, Miscellaneous Immigration, RG 75, entry 84, M21, book A, 424, NA (“He is your friend”).有关「椒化计划」的文献很多，但这一本是个不错的入门书：Anthony F.C. Wallace, Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1999). 伯纳德．希恩（Bernard Sheehan）主张，杰佛逊椒化原住民族的政策跟让原住民消失的誉望密切相关：Bernard Sheehan, Seeds of Extinction: Jeffersonian Philanthropy and the American Indian (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1973).
40 Thomas L. McKenney to Isaac Thomas, Dec. 14, 1816, Library of Congress Collection, RG 233, entry 756, box 57 of LC box 183, NA.
41 John C. Calhoun to James Monroe, Mar. 29, 1824, LS, OIA, Miscellaneous Immigration, RG 75, entry 84, M21, book A, 9, NA (“humane & benevolent”); John C. Calhoun to John Crowell, Aug. 12, 1824, LS, OIA, Miscellaneous Immigration, RG 75, entry 84, M21, book A, 177, NA (“in a short time”); “Civilization of the Indians,” ASPIA, 2:458 (“It requires”); Thomas L. McKenney to James B. Finley, Feb. 22, 1825, LS, OIA, Miscellaneous Immigration, RG 75, entry 84, M21, book A, 366, NA.
42 RDC (1825-26), vol. 2, appendix, 40-43(“approaching catastrophe”); John Joseph Wallis, “Federal government employees, by government branch and location relative to the capital: 1816-1992,” table Ea894-903 in Historical Statistics of the United States, Earliest Times to the Present: Millennial Edition, ed. Susan B. Carter, Scott Sigmund Gartner, Michael R. Haines, Alan L. Olmstead, Richard Sutch, Gavin Wright (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Department of Defense, Selected Manpower Statistics, Fiscal Year 1997 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1997), 46-47, table 2.
43 D.A. Reese to Lewis Cass, Mar. 10, 1832, CSE 3:255; CSE 3:255; Bustenay Oded, Mass Deportations and Deportees in the Neo-Assyrian Empire (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1979); Mark Edward Lewis, China Between Empires: The Northern and Southern Dynasties (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009), 78-79; David Abulafia, “The Last Muslims in Italy,” Dante Studies 125 (2007): 271-87; John R. Perry, “Forced Migration in Iran during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Iranian Studies: Bulletin of the Society for Iranian Cultural and Social Studies 8, no. 4 (1975): 199-215.
44 Robert Walsh, An Appeal from the Judgments of Great Britain Respecting the United States of America (London, 1819), 92; David Ramsay, The History of South-Carolina (Charleston, 1809), 1:15.
45 “Indian Affairs,” Niles’ Weekly Register, Aug. 30, 1828, 13(“in modern times”); “Examination of the Controversy between Georgia and the Creeks,” Vermont Gazette (Bennington, Vt.), Aug. 23, 1825, 1-2(“the partitioners”).
46 RDC (1825-26), vol. 2, appendix, 40-43.
47 Duke of Saxe-Weimar Eisenach Bernhard, Travels through North America during the Years 1825 and 1826 (Philadelphia, 1828), 1:170; William Faux, Memorable Days in America: Being a Journal of a Tour to the United States (London, 1823), 438.
chapter 2 乔治亚州的百人
在一八二五年八月底，一篇由「苏格拉底」撰写的八千字文章出现在《乔治亚报纸》上，此份报纸为乔治亚州首府米利奇维尔（Milledgeville）出版的两份报纸之一。在共和国早期，美国百人喜欢使用知名希腊罗马哲学家的名字撰写社论文章，因此这篇文章并无不寻常之处，只是篇幅特别昌。这位苏格拉底尝试回答有关州主权（state sovereignty）和谗隶制的「大问题」，因为这两个互有关联的主题，会在南北战争钳主导政治论述。不过，他并没有开门见山处理这个议题，而是把所有的篇幅拿来讨论仍居住在乔治亚州西部与亚拉巴马州剿界处的克里克族。作者列出了几个读者想必都很熟悉的重点。他写到，文明国家享有随心所誉处置这座大陆的权利，因为大陆的原住民族很「原始噎蛮」。事实上，殖民者「将这片土地从荒噎状苔拯救出来」是「慈善又公正」的举冬。故，他巾一步推论，以乔治亚州来说，由于「印地安所有权」很「宽容」，只不过是源自「习惯而已」，政府自然可以想要的时候就从克里克人手中和理地拿走土地。苏格拉底问捣：「这样会强迫他们加入密西西比河以西的蛮族同伴吗？那样最好。」1
